Parasociology 02/06/2010
Parasociology is a term proposed to describe the use of sociological theories, models and methods that integrates within its core ontological assumptions the existence of paranormal, or “psi”, phenomena. In other words, parasociology aims to be to sociology what parapsychology is to psychology.
This text discusses what parasociology is and the work I have conducted so far. But, first, the place of the paranormal in sociological analysis is proposed to show that up to now it is essentially linked to study of beliefs system about the paranormal. As well, a quick overview of parasociological research conducted by non-sociologist is presented.
Sociology of the paranormal, but not parasociology
Social sciences in general, and sociology in particular, have a long history of studying paranormal beliefs. From the early days, there was an intense interest in studying magical practices in the so-called “primitive” societies. The famous French sociologist and anthropologist Marcel Mauss, nephew of the founder of sociology Émile Durkheim, wrote a now classical piece on the topic in 1902, Esquisse d'une théorie générale de la magie,[1] and it was followed by a series of other ethnographic studies on magic.[2] In all cases, however, Mauss never considered that that there was anything objective beyond the actual practice of magic. For him, magical practices were important to maintain social cohesion in pre-modern communities, and from that standpoint it is the socially shared belief in magic that remains the key to understand social effectiveness of magic. In other words, Mauss considered magic beliefs and magical practices as social facts amenable to sociological analysis to be studied as such without judging the actual content.
This detached and analytical attitude became the dominant one in sociology and anthropology. Overtime, similar topics were studied in a similar way like beliefs in astrology, New Age practices, paranormal, parapsychology, reincarnation, UFOs, etc.[3] As the parapsychologists Caroline Watt and Richard Wiseman noted recently, “anthropologists and sociologists, in contrast, are not concerned with the ontological reality of paranormal beliefs. Rather, their interest focuses on the social and cultural function that such beliefs serve.”[4]
There are, however, some exceptions to the detached attitude among sociologists and anthropologists. First, there are some sociologists who actually take position against the beliefs themselves as they studied them.[5] Others, coming from the field of sociology of science analyzed the knowledge construction and discursive structure of parapsychology and other so-called “pseudo-sciences” and found that in several instances it was not possible to draw any significant distinction between them and the socially sanctioned scientific knowledge and discourse.[6] The influence of such research can be observed in more recent sociological research where the ontological reality of the paranormal phenomena is presented in positive way as open for discussion.[7]
In the field of anthropology, some like Winkelman have attempted to introduce the parapsychological notion of psi in their research.[8] Susan Greenwood, in a recent book, went as far as practicing magic to understand it better;[9] something than Marcel Mauss would have never dreamed of. While others, like David Hess, are more prudent but work with the assumption that there is more than just beliefs involved in the paranormal.
There is one more exception, especially notable, and is the work of the French sociologist Bertrand Méheust, who established a direct link between the narrative content of older science fiction stories (mid 19th to early 20th century) and UFO reports from the second half of the 20th century.[10] For Méheust, there is more than just a belief in UFO. There is an objective reality taking shapes and forms from social representations.
This rapid tour of the status of the paranormal in the social sciences shows that this notion is a topic of study, but mostly around the notion of belief systems. Rarely this notion is integrated in the analysis itself. However, it is important to point that there is research, although not known as “parasociology”, and not conducted by sociologists that could be qualified as “parasociological”.
Non-sociological parasociology
Among the early ones were psychical researchers noting that telepathy appears to have a social component and could be “contagious”.[11] The psychoanalyst Carl Jung’s interpretation of the UFO sightings as a sign of social tensions, while being unclear about the ontological status of UFO, is another early example.[12]
The philosopher and theologian Theillard de Chardin developed the notion of a collective consciousness that he called the noosphere,[13] where he noted that humanity seems to be developing a common and enlarged consciousness, and such consciousness seems to be shared through mystical processes. His ideas were expanded through the Global Consciousness Project (mostly composed of parapsychologists and physicists), and lead to some interesting publications about a global precognition of the 9/11 events.[14] On a different topic, some psychologists proposed that a population practicing Transcendental Meditation would produce measurable improvements in the quality of life for the whole population.[15] The neurophysiologist Allan Combs and psychologist Stanley Krippner developed the idea that there are subtle levels of connectivity between people so as to establish a form collective consciousness akin to psi effects.[16] The system theoretician Erwin Lazlo is well-known for developing the notion of psi-field, later renamed Akashic field, which represents a universal way for memory to be stored and used, including collective memory acting in non-local ways.[17] The biologist and disciple of Lazlo, Attila Grandpierre, went as far as proposing a “Physics of Collective Consciousness”.[18] Lastly, the biologist Rupert Sheldrake developed the concept of morphic field and resonance with obvious applications to social sciences.[19] He also applied these concepts to telepathy and other psi-related phenomena.[20] Although he did not explicitly connected social science applications and psi phenomena together, his concepts clearly offer such a possibility.
What about a sociological parasociology?
In view of this parasociological work conducted by non-sociologists, an embarrassing question emerges: what are the sociologists doing? The answer is not much. This conclusion should not come as a surprise. If science has been perceived since the Renaissance as the driver of modernity through a rejection of previous “superstitions” of the middle ages, the true centre of the Enlightenment was about establishing a new social order. As the philosopher Cornelius Castoriadis noted, modernity is about the constitution of a social order which is justified from within the social realm and by the social realm. It is what he called the autonomy of modernity compared to the heteronomy of pre-modern societies (where external agents like the Gods, the Eternal Principles, etc., are used to justify social order).[21] In this context, the social sciences find themselves at the very centre of the modernist project, where there is little or no room for integrating the paranormal into its analytical constructs.
Yet, the sociological community should not be alarmed. Parasociology, as a scientific endeavor, remains firmly entrenched in the modernist project. Psi phenomena are construed as a natural reality and as a human form of potential that is poorly understood but amenable to scientific analysis. The integration of scientific findings from one field into another does not jeopardize the modernist project. Quite to the contrary, it reaffirms it.
The blatant absence of sociologist in parasociological research should be construed as a wake-up call to the sociological community. It is certainly how I interpreted it, and It is this spirit that I started a blog on parasociology [22] where I explore in an informal way various ideas and issues about what could be a true sociological form of parasociology.
I focus empirically mostly on UFOs and related phenomena because it is more amenable to sociological analysis than other “psi” phenomena. However, it is my intent to include in the future other forms of psi events, especially of the macro and spontaneous form. Beyond exploring theoretical and conceptual issues, I proposed a few historical case studies to illustrate what would parasociological research may look like. As the concepts and methods are firming up, I plan to engage in current empirical research.
There are three cases studies published or accessible from my blog so far. The first one is using the sociological notion of power relationship to analyzed events that have been construed as “alien encounters”. The main finding is that the inherent narrative structure of these events tends to replicate and anticipate by about 5 years major changes in social representations. The second one re-visits the classical Barney and Betty Hill “abduction” story and analyze it in view of concurrent events linked to the Civil Rights movement. Once, again the narrative structure and the symbolism, as well as the timing of the events, point towards individual psi events embedded in a larger social psi event. The last case study is using Walter von Lucadou’s concept of MPI to study RSPKs and applied it to the July 1952 UFO incidents over Washington D.C. The main finding is that in light of the MPI, RSPKs and the UFO incident tend to share a common dynamics. However, the focus person may not be an individual or a small group of individuals, but a social group.
The sociological version of parasociology is still embryonic and these cases remain exploratory in nature. Yet, I think they show what the integration of psi effects in sociological analysis would look like. Ultimately, I hope that others will join me in what appears to be a promising endeavour.
Notes
[1]Mauss, Marcel and H. Hubert. (1902). “Esquisse d'une théorie générale de la magie ». Année Sociologique (1902-1903).
[2] For instance, Mauss, Marcel. (1909). « L’origine des pouvoirs magiques dans les sociétés australiennes. Étude analytique et critique de documents ethnographiques. » In M. Mauss and H. Hubert (eds.) Mélanges d’histoire des religions. Paris : Félix Alcan, pp. 131-187; Mauss, Marcel. (1910). «La démonologie et la magie en Chine.» Année sociologique 11:. 227- 233; Hubert, Henri and M. Mauss. (1929). « Étude sommaire de la représentation du temps dans la religion et la magie. » Travaux de l’Année sociologique. Paris : Félix Alcan, pp. 189-229.
[3] For a good overview of the sociological research on paranormal beliefs, please see Goode, Erich. (2000). Paranormal Beliefs: A sociological introduction. Long Grove: Waveland Press.
[4] Watt, Caroline and R. Wiseman. (2009). “Foreword”. In H. J. Irwin, The Psychology of Paranormal Belief: A researcher’s handbook. Hatfield: University of Hertfordshire, p. vii.
[5] For instance, Bridgstock, Martin. (1982). “A Sociological Approach to Fraud in Science”. Journal of Sociology 18: 364-383; Eve, Raymond A. and F. B. Harrold. (1986).” Creationism, Cult Archaeology, and other Pseudoscientific Beliefs: A Study of College Students”. Youth & Society 17: 396-421.
[6] Collins, Harry M. and T.Pinch. (1982) Frames of Meaning: The construction of extraordinary science. London Routledge; HM Collins and TJ Pinch, (1979) 'The Construction of the Paranormal: Nothing Unscientific is Happening', in Roy Wallis (ed.), On the Margins of Science: The Social Construction of Rejected Knowledge, Sociological Review Monograph No 27). (pp. 237 269). Keele: University of Keele. Pinch, Trevor. (1979). ”Normal Explanations of the Paranormal: The Demarcation Problem and Fraud in Parapsychology”. Social Studies of Science 9(3): 329-348.
[7] For instance, Emmons, Charles. (1997). At the Threshold: UFOs, science and the New Age. Mill Spring: Wild Flower Press. Goode, Erich. (2000). Paranormal Beliefs: A sociological introduction. Long Grove: Waveland Press; Davies, Owen. (2007). The Haunted: A social history of ghosts. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
[8] Winkelman, Michael et al. (1982). “Magic: A theoretical reassessment”. Current Anthropology 23(1): 37-66.
[9] Greenwood, Susan. (2010). The Anthropology of Magic. Oxford: Berg Publishers.
[10] Méheust, Bertrand. (1978). Science-fiction et soucoupes volantes. Paris: Mercure de France.
[11] Warcollier, R. (1928). “L’accord télépathique”. Revue métapsychique, 4; (1962). “La contagion mentale au groupe télépathique”. Revue métapsychique, 37-43.
[12]Jung, Carl. (1979). Flying Saucers: A Modern Myth of Things Seen in the Skies. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
[13] Teilhard de Chardin, P. (1959). The phenomenon of man. (New York: Harper & Row).
[14] See in particular Nelson, R.D, (2002). ‘Coherent consciousness and reduced randomness: Correlations on September 11, 2001’. Journal of Scientific Exploration, 16, pp. 549-570.
[15] Orme-Johnson, David W et al. (1988). “International Peace Project in the Middle East: The effects of the Maharishi technology of the unified field”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 32(4): 776-812; Dillbeck, M.C. (1990). “Test of a field theory of consciousness and social change: Time series analysis of participation in the TM-Sidhi program and reduction of violent death in the U.S.” Social Indicators Research 22: 399-418; Assimakis, P.D. and Dillbeck, M.C. (1995). “Time series analysis of improved quality of life in Canada: Social change, collective consciousness, and the TM-Sidhi program.” Psychological Reports76: 1171-1193.
[16] Combs, Allan and S. Kripner. (2008). “Collective Consciousness and the Social Brain”. Journal of Consciousness Studies 15(10-11): 264-276.
[17] Laszlo, E. (2003). The Connectivity Hypothesis: Foundations of an Integral Science of Quantum, Cosmos, Life, and Consciousness. (Albany, New York: State University of New York Press).
[18]Grandpierre, Atilla. (1997). “The Physics of Collective Consciousness”. The World Futures. The Journal of General Evolution 48(1-4): 23-56.
[19] Sheldrake, Rupert. (1987). The Presence of the Past. New York: Bantam.
[20] Sheldrake, Rupert. (1995). Seven Experiments That Could Change the World: a do-it-yourself guide to revolutionary science. New York: Riverhead Books; (1999). Dogs that Know When Their Owners are Coming Home: and other unexplained powers of animals. New York: Crown; (2003). The Sense of Being Stared At: and other aspects of the extended mind, New York: Crown Publishers.
[21] Castoriadis, Cornelius. (1975). L’institution imaginaire de la société. Paris: Seuil.
[22] At http://parasociology.blogspot.com
----
Eric Ouellet, Ph.D.
Dept. Defence Studies, Royal Military College of Canada & Canadian Forces College, Toronto, Canada.
Read more at www.parasociology.blogspot.com
This text discusses what parasociology is and the work I have conducted so far. But, first, the place of the paranormal in sociological analysis is proposed to show that up to now it is essentially linked to study of beliefs system about the paranormal. As well, a quick overview of parasociological research conducted by non-sociologist is presented.
Sociology of the paranormal, but not parasociology
Social sciences in general, and sociology in particular, have a long history of studying paranormal beliefs. From the early days, there was an intense interest in studying magical practices in the so-called “primitive” societies. The famous French sociologist and anthropologist Marcel Mauss, nephew of the founder of sociology Émile Durkheim, wrote a now classical piece on the topic in 1902, Esquisse d'une théorie générale de la magie,[1] and it was followed by a series of other ethnographic studies on magic.[2] In all cases, however, Mauss never considered that that there was anything objective beyond the actual practice of magic. For him, magical practices were important to maintain social cohesion in pre-modern communities, and from that standpoint it is the socially shared belief in magic that remains the key to understand social effectiveness of magic. In other words, Mauss considered magic beliefs and magical practices as social facts amenable to sociological analysis to be studied as such without judging the actual content.
This detached and analytical attitude became the dominant one in sociology and anthropology. Overtime, similar topics were studied in a similar way like beliefs in astrology, New Age practices, paranormal, parapsychology, reincarnation, UFOs, etc.[3] As the parapsychologists Caroline Watt and Richard Wiseman noted recently, “anthropologists and sociologists, in contrast, are not concerned with the ontological reality of paranormal beliefs. Rather, their interest focuses on the social and cultural function that such beliefs serve.”[4]
There are, however, some exceptions to the detached attitude among sociologists and anthropologists. First, there are some sociologists who actually take position against the beliefs themselves as they studied them.[5] Others, coming from the field of sociology of science analyzed the knowledge construction and discursive structure of parapsychology and other so-called “pseudo-sciences” and found that in several instances it was not possible to draw any significant distinction between them and the socially sanctioned scientific knowledge and discourse.[6] The influence of such research can be observed in more recent sociological research where the ontological reality of the paranormal phenomena is presented in positive way as open for discussion.[7]
In the field of anthropology, some like Winkelman have attempted to introduce the parapsychological notion of psi in their research.[8] Susan Greenwood, in a recent book, went as far as practicing magic to understand it better;[9] something than Marcel Mauss would have never dreamed of. While others, like David Hess, are more prudent but work with the assumption that there is more than just beliefs involved in the paranormal.
There is one more exception, especially notable, and is the work of the French sociologist Bertrand Méheust, who established a direct link between the narrative content of older science fiction stories (mid 19th to early 20th century) and UFO reports from the second half of the 20th century.[10] For Méheust, there is more than just a belief in UFO. There is an objective reality taking shapes and forms from social representations.
This rapid tour of the status of the paranormal in the social sciences shows that this notion is a topic of study, but mostly around the notion of belief systems. Rarely this notion is integrated in the analysis itself. However, it is important to point that there is research, although not known as “parasociology”, and not conducted by sociologists that could be qualified as “parasociological”.
Non-sociological parasociology
Among the early ones were psychical researchers noting that telepathy appears to have a social component and could be “contagious”.[11] The psychoanalyst Carl Jung’s interpretation of the UFO sightings as a sign of social tensions, while being unclear about the ontological status of UFO, is another early example.[12]
The philosopher and theologian Theillard de Chardin developed the notion of a collective consciousness that he called the noosphere,[13] where he noted that humanity seems to be developing a common and enlarged consciousness, and such consciousness seems to be shared through mystical processes. His ideas were expanded through the Global Consciousness Project (mostly composed of parapsychologists and physicists), and lead to some interesting publications about a global precognition of the 9/11 events.[14] On a different topic, some psychologists proposed that a population practicing Transcendental Meditation would produce measurable improvements in the quality of life for the whole population.[15] The neurophysiologist Allan Combs and psychologist Stanley Krippner developed the idea that there are subtle levels of connectivity between people so as to establish a form collective consciousness akin to psi effects.[16] The system theoretician Erwin Lazlo is well-known for developing the notion of psi-field, later renamed Akashic field, which represents a universal way for memory to be stored and used, including collective memory acting in non-local ways.[17] The biologist and disciple of Lazlo, Attila Grandpierre, went as far as proposing a “Physics of Collective Consciousness”.[18] Lastly, the biologist Rupert Sheldrake developed the concept of morphic field and resonance with obvious applications to social sciences.[19] He also applied these concepts to telepathy and other psi-related phenomena.[20] Although he did not explicitly connected social science applications and psi phenomena together, his concepts clearly offer such a possibility.
What about a sociological parasociology?
In view of this parasociological work conducted by non-sociologists, an embarrassing question emerges: what are the sociologists doing? The answer is not much. This conclusion should not come as a surprise. If science has been perceived since the Renaissance as the driver of modernity through a rejection of previous “superstitions” of the middle ages, the true centre of the Enlightenment was about establishing a new social order. As the philosopher Cornelius Castoriadis noted, modernity is about the constitution of a social order which is justified from within the social realm and by the social realm. It is what he called the autonomy of modernity compared to the heteronomy of pre-modern societies (where external agents like the Gods, the Eternal Principles, etc., are used to justify social order).[21] In this context, the social sciences find themselves at the very centre of the modernist project, where there is little or no room for integrating the paranormal into its analytical constructs.
Yet, the sociological community should not be alarmed. Parasociology, as a scientific endeavor, remains firmly entrenched in the modernist project. Psi phenomena are construed as a natural reality and as a human form of potential that is poorly understood but amenable to scientific analysis. The integration of scientific findings from one field into another does not jeopardize the modernist project. Quite to the contrary, it reaffirms it.
The blatant absence of sociologist in parasociological research should be construed as a wake-up call to the sociological community. It is certainly how I interpreted it, and It is this spirit that I started a blog on parasociology [22] where I explore in an informal way various ideas and issues about what could be a true sociological form of parasociology.
I focus empirically mostly on UFOs and related phenomena because it is more amenable to sociological analysis than other “psi” phenomena. However, it is my intent to include in the future other forms of psi events, especially of the macro and spontaneous form. Beyond exploring theoretical and conceptual issues, I proposed a few historical case studies to illustrate what would parasociological research may look like. As the concepts and methods are firming up, I plan to engage in current empirical research.
There are three cases studies published or accessible from my blog so far. The first one is using the sociological notion of power relationship to analyzed events that have been construed as “alien encounters”. The main finding is that the inherent narrative structure of these events tends to replicate and anticipate by about 5 years major changes in social representations. The second one re-visits the classical Barney and Betty Hill “abduction” story and analyze it in view of concurrent events linked to the Civil Rights movement. Once, again the narrative structure and the symbolism, as well as the timing of the events, point towards individual psi events embedded in a larger social psi event. The last case study is using Walter von Lucadou’s concept of MPI to study RSPKs and applied it to the July 1952 UFO incidents over Washington D.C. The main finding is that in light of the MPI, RSPKs and the UFO incident tend to share a common dynamics. However, the focus person may not be an individual or a small group of individuals, but a social group.
The sociological version of parasociology is still embryonic and these cases remain exploratory in nature. Yet, I think they show what the integration of psi effects in sociological analysis would look like. Ultimately, I hope that others will join me in what appears to be a promising endeavour.
Notes
[1]Mauss, Marcel and H. Hubert. (1902). “Esquisse d'une théorie générale de la magie ». Année Sociologique (1902-1903).
[2] For instance, Mauss, Marcel. (1909). « L’origine des pouvoirs magiques dans les sociétés australiennes. Étude analytique et critique de documents ethnographiques. » In M. Mauss and H. Hubert (eds.) Mélanges d’histoire des religions. Paris : Félix Alcan, pp. 131-187; Mauss, Marcel. (1910). «La démonologie et la magie en Chine.» Année sociologique 11:. 227- 233; Hubert, Henri and M. Mauss. (1929). « Étude sommaire de la représentation du temps dans la religion et la magie. » Travaux de l’Année sociologique. Paris : Félix Alcan, pp. 189-229.
[3] For a good overview of the sociological research on paranormal beliefs, please see Goode, Erich. (2000). Paranormal Beliefs: A sociological introduction. Long Grove: Waveland Press.
[4] Watt, Caroline and R. Wiseman. (2009). “Foreword”. In H. J. Irwin, The Psychology of Paranormal Belief: A researcher’s handbook. Hatfield: University of Hertfordshire, p. vii.
[5] For instance, Bridgstock, Martin. (1982). “A Sociological Approach to Fraud in Science”. Journal of Sociology 18: 364-383; Eve, Raymond A. and F. B. Harrold. (1986).” Creationism, Cult Archaeology, and other Pseudoscientific Beliefs: A Study of College Students”. Youth & Society 17: 396-421.
[6] Collins, Harry M. and T.Pinch. (1982) Frames of Meaning: The construction of extraordinary science. London Routledge; HM Collins and TJ Pinch, (1979) 'The Construction of the Paranormal: Nothing Unscientific is Happening', in Roy Wallis (ed.), On the Margins of Science: The Social Construction of Rejected Knowledge, Sociological Review Monograph No 27). (pp. 237 269). Keele: University of Keele. Pinch, Trevor. (1979). ”Normal Explanations of the Paranormal: The Demarcation Problem and Fraud in Parapsychology”. Social Studies of Science 9(3): 329-348.
[7] For instance, Emmons, Charles. (1997). At the Threshold: UFOs, science and the New Age. Mill Spring: Wild Flower Press. Goode, Erich. (2000). Paranormal Beliefs: A sociological introduction. Long Grove: Waveland Press; Davies, Owen. (2007). The Haunted: A social history of ghosts. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
[8] Winkelman, Michael et al. (1982). “Magic: A theoretical reassessment”. Current Anthropology 23(1): 37-66.
[9] Greenwood, Susan. (2010). The Anthropology of Magic. Oxford: Berg Publishers.
[10] Méheust, Bertrand. (1978). Science-fiction et soucoupes volantes. Paris: Mercure de France.
[11] Warcollier, R. (1928). “L’accord télépathique”. Revue métapsychique, 4; (1962). “La contagion mentale au groupe télépathique”. Revue métapsychique, 37-43.
[12]Jung, Carl. (1979). Flying Saucers: A Modern Myth of Things Seen in the Skies. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
[13] Teilhard de Chardin, P. (1959). The phenomenon of man. (New York: Harper & Row).
[14] See in particular Nelson, R.D, (2002). ‘Coherent consciousness and reduced randomness: Correlations on September 11, 2001’. Journal of Scientific Exploration, 16, pp. 549-570.
[15] Orme-Johnson, David W et al. (1988). “International Peace Project in the Middle East: The effects of the Maharishi technology of the unified field”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 32(4): 776-812; Dillbeck, M.C. (1990). “Test of a field theory of consciousness and social change: Time series analysis of participation in the TM-Sidhi program and reduction of violent death in the U.S.” Social Indicators Research 22: 399-418; Assimakis, P.D. and Dillbeck, M.C. (1995). “Time series analysis of improved quality of life in Canada: Social change, collective consciousness, and the TM-Sidhi program.” Psychological Reports76: 1171-1193.
[16] Combs, Allan and S. Kripner. (2008). “Collective Consciousness and the Social Brain”. Journal of Consciousness Studies 15(10-11): 264-276.
[17] Laszlo, E. (2003). The Connectivity Hypothesis: Foundations of an Integral Science of Quantum, Cosmos, Life, and Consciousness. (Albany, New York: State University of New York Press).
[18]Grandpierre, Atilla. (1997). “The Physics of Collective Consciousness”. The World Futures. The Journal of General Evolution 48(1-4): 23-56.
[19] Sheldrake, Rupert. (1987). The Presence of the Past. New York: Bantam.
[20] Sheldrake, Rupert. (1995). Seven Experiments That Could Change the World: a do-it-yourself guide to revolutionary science. New York: Riverhead Books; (1999). Dogs that Know When Their Owners are Coming Home: and other unexplained powers of animals. New York: Crown; (2003). The Sense of Being Stared At: and other aspects of the extended mind, New York: Crown Publishers.
[21] Castoriadis, Cornelius. (1975). L’institution imaginaire de la société. Paris: Seuil.
[22] At http://parasociology.blogspot.com
----
Eric Ouellet, Ph.D.
Dept. Defence Studies, Royal Military College of Canada & Canadian Forces College, Toronto, Canada.
Read more at www.parasociology.blogspot.com
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