Talking With The Spirits
An Experiential Exploration of Contemporary Trance & Physical Mediumship
There appear to have been relatively few ethnographic explorations of spiritualism and spiritualist practice in the UK (Wallis, 2000). Vieda Skultans’ (1974) short book “Intimacy and Ritual” represents one of the most complete anthropological explorations of this area of human experience, but, as it was written over 30 years ago, is likely to be somewhat outdated. Except for Richard & Adato (1980), who conducted anthropological fieldwork at the spiritualist camp of Lily Dale in the US, the majority of studies of spiritualism have come from sociological (Nelson, 1969) and historical (Conan Doyle, 2006; Oppenheim, 1985) perspectives.
While there are a number of ethnographic studies of Spiritism (Warren jr, 1968; Krippner, 2008 for example), a continental version of Spiritualism with a different philosophy, and other Spiritualistic religions such as Umbanda (Brown & Bick, 1987) and Candomblé (Walker, 1990) in Brazil, and the possession cults of Africa (Lewis, 1971; Boddy, 1988), and of trance channelling in America (Brown, 1997) very little research has been done of the experience of spiritualism in Britain. This is particularly true for private forms of spiritualism as practiced in home-circles, and especially true for what is termed physical mediumship.
My dissertation fieldwork attemted fill this void to some extent. This was achieved through an ethnographic exploration of a contemporary spiritualist group, The Bristol Spirit Lodge; “a private non-denominational home-circle … [established] with the intention of … enabling physical evidence of continuing life and consciousness beyond physical death”. I intended to approach the issue through immersive participant observation as advocated by Edith Turner (1993; 1998). I did this with the goal of understanding the root cause for belief in a supernatural reality: the anomalous experience.
While the majority of social-science studies of spiritualism and its associated phenomena have focussed on sociological aspects (e.g. as social support networks, social rebellion, etc.) this study attempted to highlight the experiential element, an aspect which is often neglected. The project aimed to demonstrate that, although social-functional processes are in operation at the Bristol Spirit Lodge, these are not the sole purpose of gathering to conduct séances. I argued that it is necessary to understand the experiences of both those observing the séances, and the mediums themselves, if the reasoning and beliefs associated with spiritualist practices are to be adequately comprehended.
The Bristol Spirit Lodge
The Bristol Spirit Lodge was founded in October 2005, by Christine Di Nucci, with the sole intention of “supporting the enablement, and demonstration of physical mediumship” (Di Nucci, 2009). The Lodge itself is a 12’x10’ shed constructed in the garden of Christine’s home in north Bristol, and was built using £2,000 of her own savings money. The decision to build the Lodge was made following a number of experiences at a séance in Banbury with the physical medium Warren Caylor in 2005. After having her “mind blown” Christine decided that she would investigate the phenomena further, and on her own terms.
Over the course of the past 4 years the Lodge has been involved in the development of physical mediums “from scratch”, that is development with individuals who had not previously had any personal experience of physical mediumship, other than having attended séances as sitters.
At the time of my fieldwork, two circles were operating within the Lodge; one on Tuesday evenings (referred to as “Spirit Sanctuary”), the other on Thursday mornings (“Spirit Space”). Each circle had its own developing medium. The “Spirit Sanctuary” séances were understood to be working towards developing the mediumship of Jon, whose spirit team was progressing towards the enablement of face transfiguration phenomena. The Thursday morning séances were focussed on the development of a medium by the name of Sandy, whose spirit-team was working towards both transfiguration phenomena and spiritual healing. Both séance groups also received communications via trance from a variety of discarnate entities, referred to as "Spirit Teams". Each group sat regularly on an experimental basis, with no particular outcome expected. It is understood that the development of spirit phenomena takes both time and dedication to the cause, and that this requires a great deal of effort on behalf of both sitters and mediums to be consistent in their attendance.
The Lodge is described by Christine as a “non-denominational home circle”, and as such is not affiliated with any organized spiritualist association. No one is paid for any area of Lodge activity; to accept money for spiritual practices is looked down upon.
The People
Age and Occupation
The average age of individuals attending the séances at the time of my fieldowork was 57, with a range of 36 to 80 years old. Of the 9 regular attendees, 4 are retired and 5 are currently employed in various different jobs (sales, fitness instructor, carer, nurse).
Sex
7 of the 9 total attendees are female, 2 are male; one of whom is a regular medium. Skultans (1974, 45), in her study of a spiritualist circle in “Welshtown”, highlighted a similar ratio of male to female members:
“Nearly 80 per cent of members are women. However the small percentage of men are regarded as a welcome and very important element at all meetings” (ibid.)
It is very interesting to note that the percentage of female members of the Spirit Lodge is 77%, providing a surprisingly close analogue to the “sex composition” (ibid.) of Skultans’ home-circle of study in the late 1960’s.
Distance Travelled
The distance travelled by attendees range from a maximum of 60 miles to a minimum of 4.5 miles (the séance leader lives in the house adjacent to the Lodge and so need not travel to attend). The distance travelled is indicative of the amount of effort spent on attending the Spirit Lodge. It is interesting to note that the attendee who travels the greatest distance (60 miles) is the regular medium for Tuesday nights, Jon.
Why do people gather at the Lodge?
Naturally, the Bristol Spirit Lodge is a place where people congregate for a specific purpose; that being to communicate with the spirits. This constitutes their primary incentive for being there. The twice weekly gatherings can, therefore, be said to be structured around the belief in the possibility of communication with discarnate entities, on the behalf of the sitters, while for the medium the purpose is to incarnate a spirit intelligence to allow this communication to occur.
Anthropologists, in their discussions of similarly oriented groups, have tended to focus their investigations beyond this point. They have seen reason to suggest alternate functions to the meetings of spiritualists and other “possession cults”, highlighting other purposes, usually as a form of social support or a means for the individual (usually female) to rebel against the constraints of marital life and society at large in a socially acceptable context (Lewis, 1971, 32; Skultans, 1974).
In her study of spiritualism in a Welsh town in the late 1960s to early 1970s, Vieda Skultans (1974) focussed on the therapeutic and supportive elements of spiritualism as its main attraction. She understood spiritualism as a coping strategy for the women of ‘Welshtown’ in light of their traditional feminine roles as “housewife, mother and sexual partner” (1974, 4). To Skultans, then, spiritualism provided these women with a means to escape their everyday circumstances, at least for the duration of the circle meetings:
“Indeed, this is where the contribution of spiritualism lies. For the weekly repetition of healing activities and the exchange of messages ‘from spirit’ constitute a ritual of reconciliation to a situation which does not permit any radical alternatives to itself” (ibid.)
While my investigations certainly revealed aspects of this “informal support system”, in that meetings were generally accompanied by discussions about everyday issues, such as dealings with benefit agencies, issues with disabled children and ailing partners, before the séances, I also came to the conclusion that there was a much more significant element at work. It must be understood that there are two separate spheres of concern at work at the Bristol Spirit Lodge; yes, there is an element of mutual social support in action whereby people seek communion with others of a like mind, but still there is the significant fact that these people are gathered for the purpose of communication with spirits. Discussions about everyday issues, although they may be brought up during the séance, are generally left outside of the Lodge. When in the house, personal issues are spoken of, but in the séance itself the intention is the observation of evidential phenomena for the continuing existence of intelligence and personality after death. To reduce the whole phenomenon to a social-functional process of “reconciliation” to a negative household, or life, situation (Skultans, 1974) seems, to my mind, to miss the point.
Any communal gathering has the ability to function on at least two different spheres. A football match, for instance, may serve the purpose of alleviating built up tensions and frustrations in a socially acceptable situation, but the purpose of attending is to watch the football game itself. The football game, or the séance, provides the core reason for gathering, social support and therapy comes as a consequence of that gathering. Where people gather they will talk, particularly if they are like minded, regardless of the reason for gathering.
In this situation the reason for gathering is to enable “evidence of continuing Spirit consciousness beyond physical death”. And they achieve this intention. To ignore this aspect is to detrimentally reduce the complexity of the issue.
Geoffrey Nelson’s (1972) sociological investigations of British spiritualism in the late 1960s provided sufficient information to suggest that the predominant factors leading to an individual becoming involved in spiritualism are as follows:
Prior Experiences
When asked the question “Did you have “supernatural”/“psychic” experiences before attending?”, the majority of individuals reported having had such experiences before attending the Spirit Lodge. Only 7 of the 9 regular attendees at the Spirit Lodge completed this aspect of the questionnaire, and of these; 5 individuals reported having had previous supernatural or psychic experiences before attending. Very little detail was provided as to what these experiences consisted of, although several individuals reported having had “numerous” experiences throughout life.
Of the 9 individuals who completed the questionnaire 6 reported that they considered themselves to have some degree of psychic ability, one of whom does not consider herself to have psychic abilities but does have a spirit guide. 3 individuals do not consider themselves to have any psychic abilities.
This evidence supports Nelson’s suggestion that prior psychic experiences are conducive to attendance of a spiritualist group. In order to better understand, more specifically, the sort of experiences individuals had encountered, another questionnaire was composed that dealt with experiences of the séance and other “supernatural”/“psychic” experiences in order to better qualify the type of experiences members had had.
Religious Disillusionment
Individuals at the Spirit Lodge reported a fairly wide variety of religious backgrounds. The most common denomination reported was Church of England, with 4 individuals suggesting the influence of this religious denomination on their spiritual development.
The two oldest individuals reported the greatest variety of denominational background, having attended Church of England, Methodist, Quaker and Spiritualist congregations. These two individuals also continue to attend these denominations in addition to the Spirit Lodge. This does not suggest disillusionment as such, but rather implies a “positive search for meaning” (Nelson, 1972, 172) through religion. These two individuals have not abandoned their previous religious influences, but have instead supplemented them with more tangible proofs of transcendent existence.
It is interesting to note that none of the individuals at the Spirit Lodge consider the group’s practices to be religious in nature. Attendance of the Spirit Lodge, consequently, need not clash with already held religious beliefs. Indeed, the Lodge is described as a “non-denominational home circle”, and it is understood that the phenomena observed at the Lodge are not dependent upon religious convictions but are, rather, facts of nature potentially observable by anyone willing to look; a naturalisation of the supernatural.
As part of a grieving process
None of the individuals attend as part of a grieving process. Indeed it is made explicitly clear that communication with specific relatives is particularly difficult. The mediums are engaged in the development of their own spirit teams; the Lodge’s intention is set towards this form of communication, and not communication with specific personal acquaintances.
Conflict
Skultans (1974) highlighted the conflict between established spiritualist centres and the smaller home circles of its members (66), attributing it to the inability of centres to maintain control of the psychic development of its members. Although conflict with spiritualist centres has been alluded to during discussions about physical mediumship at the Spirit Lodge, I have not yet witnessed any actual expression of this. Naturally there has been talk at the Lodge of the benefits of physical mediumship over mental mediumship, and it has often been wondered why the SNU has abandoned physical mediumship. Throughout this, however, the members of the Spirit Lodge maintain a respect for the practices of those at the spiritualist centres, indeed some members of the Lodge once attended spiritualist services themselves, and others still do.
The primary issue Chris has made apparent with regard to the established spiritualist centres is that their religious interpretations fail to grasp the real life significance of spirit phenomena. Christine dislikes being referred to as a spiritualist.
There might also be an element of conflict in the opinion of the Lodge with regard to paying for mediumship demonstrations. The Spirit Lodge does not charge for anything, indeed it is understood that it is not meant to be done in that way. FC has informed Chris that the circle is not for the purpose of attaining wealth, but is instead strictly intended for the development of physical mediumship in a supportive environment. Criticism has been laid, to some extent, upon other local groups who charge for their services, but this has not resulted in any serious conflict. It is understood that such issues merely highlight the aims of those who are engaged in the promotion of mediumship. Not charging is seen as a positive act, while charging brings the whole subject into question. Should spiritual powers be utilised for material gain? The Spirit Lodge believes not.
With regard to conflict between the Lodge members themselves: there is very little. The number of people who attend is sufficiently small and friendly to prevent any major conflict situations from arising. It has been hinted that in the past there were divergences of opinion regarding the sort of things they would be doing at the séances, i.e. whether to meditate or not, which have led to some members leaving the circle. In my experience, however, I have seen none of this. The only conflict that might exist is between the two mediums, Sandy and Jon. It has often been mentioned that Sandy is jealous of the control and character of the spirits Jon channels, as hers are fairly extravagant and unruly by comparison. She has mentioned how she would like to have intelligent spirits coming through (although it cannot be said that her spirit team is unintelligent). Such conflicts are trivial and meaningless. Indeed it is not uncommon for Jon to attend Sandy’s séances as a sitter. The two are supportive of one another; any conflict between them is purely in good humour. As the overall number of sitters at the Lodge is so small a few attend both Tuesday night and Thursday morning séances, which consequently reduces any tensions that might develop between the two groups.
Hierarchy
The highest position in the Bristol Spirit Lodge is held by Chris; it is her Lodge, built using her own savings money and under her instruction. Chris usually performs the role of séance leader, whose duties include the reading of the opening and closing prayers, control of the light and music equipment, and the greeting of spirits as they make themselves known to the circle. During the séance, then, Chris has the final say (although she is occasionally told to do certain things by the spirits, e.g. when to put on the closing music). Chris is also responsible for organizing the séances, ensuring that people are available to attend, and, if the medium cannot make it, decides what other activities to undertake. Chris’ leadership of the group is further legitimized by her spirit guide; FC, or Fuzzy Critter. FC has been actively engaged in the development of the circle since the very beginning. His advice is always taken into account by Chris. Some of the information FC passes on to Chris includes:
The next rung of the group’s hierarchy would then, perhaps, be the mediums. Naturally the mediums are of special significance to the group; without them there could be no séances. In the past mediums leaving the circle, for whatever reason, had posed a problem. Currently, however, the Lodge has two mediums in development who are progressing exceedingly well, each with a variety of associated phenomena. If a medium cannot make it to the séance, group development sittings often take place. Development circles serve to promote mediumistic abilities in any of the available sitters; it is understood that all human beings have this potential.
It should be noted that the mediums of the Bristol Spirit Lodge have developed from normal sitters attending the séances. This is testament to the fact that anyone can develop into a medium provided that they had the necessary intent. Skultans (1974) has noted that the potential for any individual to develop mediumistic abilities serves as a sort of democratizing factor: progress is open to all should they wish to develop:
“… spiritualism… deceptively promises high ritual status to all adherents: spiritualist doctrine recognizes the universality of mediumistic or spiritual power in a latent, if not manifest form… mediumistic power is the currency in terms of which status within the movement is acquired” (1974, 61)
Skultans suggests, however, that although spiritualist doctrine accepts that mediumistic powers are universal, the attainment of a perceived high status is fairly rare: “if it is too easily acquired it loses value and thus destroys itself” (ibid.). All members of the Lodge exhibit some degree of psychic/spiritual ability, it is simply understood that the mediums are much more developed. Respect is therefore concomitant with increased experience. There is a distinct amount of respect for the mediums; members of the Lodge are keen and supportive of their development and feel privileged to be able to witness their manifestations of spirit. It is also clear that there is a potent element of respect associated with more advanced mediums. The mediums and sitters at the Spirit Lodge have a deep respect for the likes of Warren Caylor, whose abilities, or so it is believed, are very highly developed. Warren is seen to be a medium of great ability and power and is frequently described as “one in a million”.
Because the group that attends the Lodge is so close-knit and friendly, significant issues of hierarchy do not come into play. The whole group is very open, communicative and accepting of varying interpretations of phenomena, and I have not yet seen, or foreseen, any evidence of problems arising from its organization.
The experience of the medium
The experience of the medium is key to spiritualist practice in all its forms, indeed spiritualism is fully dependent upon the existence of individuals with mediumistic abilities. It is the phenomenological accounts of mediumistic experiences which provide much of the underlying metaphysical and cosmological basis for spiritualist belief as exhibited at the Spirit Lodge.
When asked about the experience of entering into trance Sandy, Jon and Warren provided surprisingly similar accounts of their sensations during the channelling process. It would appear as though depth of trance state is correlated with the amount of recollection the medium has of the séance after the event. When a trance is particularly deep it is common for the medium to report a complete inability to recall any of the occurrences or communications achieved. In the event of a trance state of lesser intensity, it is often reported that the medium is able to recall a distanced awareness of the proceedings, as though listening from a place set aside from the physical body. The anthropologist Morton Klass (2003) made similar observations while examining the Kali possession cults of Trinidad:
“As with many elements of the ceremony itself, there were differences to be observed between the clerics in their responses to what had happened to them personally during possession: one had no memory of anything that had transpired during the visitation of Kali; the other told me he had been aware of her arrival and could hear her voice and the questions of the congregants, though he himself was completely powerless to participate” (2003, 43)
This account was of an experience in Trinidad in the 1950s; the similarities with reports of the mediums of the Bristol Spirit Lodge in 2009 are, to my mind, fascinating: the trance experience appears to be relatively consistent across time and space, as well as culture. Jon describes how the process and experience of going into trance is “never exactly the same twice, each time is slightly different”. When he is in the trance state he is “still very aware of the room” but feels that often he has “missed bits of time”; “I found to start with that I'd be convinced only 20 minutes had passed when in reality it had been over an hour”. Further similarities with Klass’ observations of spirit possession can be detected in the following account of the sensations Jon experiences when in trance:
“Often now, when they are talking I'll go back into myself and I get a strange sensation of vertigo & being detached from the conversation, not just intellectually but physically as well. As if I'm on the edge of a precipice or inside a vast canyon. It's a sense of scale I think, I feel very small in comparison to something very large?”
This distancing from the body appears to be a common trait amongst those who undergo spirit incorporation.
In order to gain a fuller appreciation of the mediumistic experience I endeavoured to gain some first hand insight through participating in development sittings at the Lodge. Not long after first arriving at the Lodge I was informed that I had some degree of mediumistic ability; Christine’s spirit guide, FC, and Joseph, Sandy’s main controller, had both indicated that I had potential for development. It is not uncommon for people to be told that they have some degree of mediumistic ability. In their study of Lily Dale, a spiritualist village in the USA, Richard & Adato (1980) noted this tendency. Indeed, this is to be expected as it is understood that all individuals have at least some degree of psychic/spiritual ability. Such abilities are not the reserve of special individuals, although some are undoubtedly more developed than others, but are rather natural faculties of the human being. The experiences I have had while conducting this development have been highly enlightening, particularly with regard to my understanding of the way in which experiences serve as proofs, and causes, of the existence of discarnate energy-consciousnesses.
On two separate occasions, when conducting development sittings at the Lodge, I experienced my own physical body under the control or influence of some force or energy separate from my own conscious will. In both instances the phenomenon occurred with my left hand while meditating in the Lodge. My hand, after a period of increasing dissociation from my body, began to move of its own accord, quite separate from my own conscious intention. Having had this experience I have gained a much deeper appreciation of the ability for one’s own body to be controlled by an external energy or consciousness. Having experienced this most peculiar sensation I cannot deny that others might also have such experiences, and can well imagine the external control I experienced from a distanced position inhabiting my entire body with development.
Such experiences are common amongst those engaging in mediumistic practice. Métraux (1972, as cited by Klass 2003) writes that:
“People possessed start by giving an impression of having lost control of their motor system. Shaken by spasmodic convulsions, they pitch forward, as though projected by a spring, turn frantically round and round… Sometimes such attacks are sudden, sometimes they are heralded by preliminary signs: a vacant or anguished, mild tremblings, panting breath or drops of sweat on the brow” (1972, 120-121)
On the first occasion that I witnessed the mediumship of Sandy (5/02/09) her trance communications were accompanied by erratic movements of her hands and legs as she sat in the cabinet. This strained writhing was understood to be the result of the incarnating spirit (“the soldier”) being unaccustomed to the sensation of gravity after so many years in the spirit world. It is also understood that the soldier has not yet learned that he no longer needs to march; the movements of the medium are, therefore, believed to have this as their basis.
Jon’s mediumship, by comparison, is characterised by a greater physical stability when in the trance state. The medium’s body generally remains completely motionless throughout the duration of the séance. The only observable motion is a rapid vibration in his right hand as it rests on the arm of the chair; similar, though more controlled, to the movement I experienced in my own arm.
The experience of the sitter
Aside from the experiences of mediums, which form a core underlying element of spiritualist beliefs and practices, the most significant claims come from those who attend and experience séances first-hand. There are a huge range of different phenomena reported by sitters of séances in the spiritualist literature ranging from apparently fully objective materialisations, visible to all, to subjective, personal visions, voices and messages.
“… it cannot be too often repeated-because it is too often forgotten- that psychic research of the best sort is really “psychic”, and depends upon spiritual conditions. It is not the bumptious self-opinionated man, sitting with a ludicrous want of proportion as a judge upon spiritual matters, who attains results; but it is he who appreciates that the strict use of reason and observation is not incompatible with humility of mind, and that courteous gentleness of demeanour which makes for harmony and sympathy between the inquirer and his subject” (Conan Doyle, 2006, Vol. 1, 118)
The phenomena observed by sitters appear, therefore, to exist at some-point between the fully objective and the totally subjective. It is possible, for example, for more than one individual to report having seen a spirit light during a séance, while others in the room have been unable to see anything. The questionnaire presented in appendix Eclearly demonstrates this peculiar aspect of the séances; there are some regular attendees who have never seen anything in the Lodge, while there are others who have seen all manner of “evidential phenomena” presented.
Conclusions
To conclude the investigation, therefore, the following key points have been arrived at:
References
Boddy, J. 1988. Spirits and Selves in Northern Sudan: The Cultural Therapeutics of Possession and Trance. American Ethnologist, Vol. 15, No. 1, 4-27.
Brown, D. & Bick, M. 1987. Religion, Class, and Context: Continuities and Discontinuities in Brazilian Umbanda. American Ethnologist, Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 73-93.
Brown, M.F. 1997. The Channeling Zone: American Spirituality in an Anxious Age. Harvard: Harvard University Press.
Conan Doyle, A. 2006. The History of Spiritualism (Complete). Great Britain: The Echo Library.
Di Nucci, C. 2009. Spirits in a Teacup. Great Britain: lulu.com.
Klass, M. 2003. Mind over Mind: The Anthropology and Psychology of Spirit Possession. United States: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers Inc.
Krippner, S. 2008. Learning from the Spirits: Candomble´, Umbanda, and Kardecismo in Recife, Brazil. Anthropology of Consciousness, Volume 19, Issue 1, pp. 1-32.
Lewis, I.M. 1971. Ecstatic Religion: An Anthropological Study of Spirit Possession and Shamanism. United Kingdom: Penguin Books Ltd.
Nelson, G.K. 1969. Spiritualism and Society. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd.
Nelson, G.K. 1969. The Spiritualist Movement and the Need for a Redefinition of Cult. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, Vol. 8, No. 1, pp. 152-160
Nelson, G.K. 1972. The membership of a Cult: The Spiritualist National Union. Review of Religious Research, Vol. 13, No. 3, pp. 170-177.
Nelson, G.K. 1975. Towards a Sociology of the Psychic. Review of Religious Research, Vol. 16, No. 3, pp. 166-173.
Oppenheim, J. 1985. The Other World: Spiritualism and psychical research in England, 1850-1914. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Richard, M.P. & Adato, A. 1980. The Medium and Her Message: A Study of Spiritualism at Lily Dale, New York. Review of Religious Research, Vol. 22, No. 2, pp. 186-197.
Skultans, V. 1974. Intimacy and Ritual:A Study of Spiritualism,Mediums and Groups. London: Routledge & Keagan Paul.
Turner, E. 1993. The Reality of Spirits: A Tabooed or Permitted Field of Study? Journal for the Anthropology of Consciousness, Vol. 4, No. 1, pp. 9-12.
Turner, E. 1998. Experiencing Ritual. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Walker, S. 1990. Everyday and Esoteric Reality in the Afro-Brazilian Candomble. History of Religions, Vol. 30, No. 2, pp. 103-128
Wallis, J. 2001. Continuing bonds: relationships between the living and the dead within contemporary Spiritualism. Morality, Vol. 6, No. 2, pp. 127-145.
Warren jr., D. 1968. Spiritism in Brazil. Journal of Inter-American Studies, Vol. 10, No. 3, pp. 393-405.
There appear to have been relatively few ethnographic explorations of spiritualism and spiritualist practice in the UK (Wallis, 2000). Vieda Skultans’ (1974) short book “Intimacy and Ritual” represents one of the most complete anthropological explorations of this area of human experience, but, as it was written over 30 years ago, is likely to be somewhat outdated. Except for Richard & Adato (1980), who conducted anthropological fieldwork at the spiritualist camp of Lily Dale in the US, the majority of studies of spiritualism have come from sociological (Nelson, 1969) and historical (Conan Doyle, 2006; Oppenheim, 1985) perspectives.
While there are a number of ethnographic studies of Spiritism (Warren jr, 1968; Krippner, 2008 for example), a continental version of Spiritualism with a different philosophy, and other Spiritualistic religions such as Umbanda (Brown & Bick, 1987) and Candomblé (Walker, 1990) in Brazil, and the possession cults of Africa (Lewis, 1971; Boddy, 1988), and of trance channelling in America (Brown, 1997) very little research has been done of the experience of spiritualism in Britain. This is particularly true for private forms of spiritualism as practiced in home-circles, and especially true for what is termed physical mediumship.
My dissertation fieldwork attemted fill this void to some extent. This was achieved through an ethnographic exploration of a contemporary spiritualist group, The Bristol Spirit Lodge; “a private non-denominational home-circle … [established] with the intention of … enabling physical evidence of continuing life and consciousness beyond physical death”. I intended to approach the issue through immersive participant observation as advocated by Edith Turner (1993; 1998). I did this with the goal of understanding the root cause for belief in a supernatural reality: the anomalous experience.
While the majority of social-science studies of spiritualism and its associated phenomena have focussed on sociological aspects (e.g. as social support networks, social rebellion, etc.) this study attempted to highlight the experiential element, an aspect which is often neglected. The project aimed to demonstrate that, although social-functional processes are in operation at the Bristol Spirit Lodge, these are not the sole purpose of gathering to conduct séances. I argued that it is necessary to understand the experiences of both those observing the séances, and the mediums themselves, if the reasoning and beliefs associated with spiritualist practices are to be adequately comprehended.
The Bristol Spirit Lodge
The Bristol Spirit Lodge was founded in October 2005, by Christine Di Nucci, with the sole intention of “supporting the enablement, and demonstration of physical mediumship” (Di Nucci, 2009). The Lodge itself is a 12’x10’ shed constructed in the garden of Christine’s home in north Bristol, and was built using £2,000 of her own savings money. The decision to build the Lodge was made following a number of experiences at a séance in Banbury with the physical medium Warren Caylor in 2005. After having her “mind blown” Christine decided that she would investigate the phenomena further, and on her own terms.
Over the course of the past 4 years the Lodge has been involved in the development of physical mediums “from scratch”, that is development with individuals who had not previously had any personal experience of physical mediumship, other than having attended séances as sitters.
At the time of my fieldwork, two circles were operating within the Lodge; one on Tuesday evenings (referred to as “Spirit Sanctuary”), the other on Thursday mornings (“Spirit Space”). Each circle had its own developing medium. The “Spirit Sanctuary” séances were understood to be working towards developing the mediumship of Jon, whose spirit team was progressing towards the enablement of face transfiguration phenomena. The Thursday morning séances were focussed on the development of a medium by the name of Sandy, whose spirit-team was working towards both transfiguration phenomena and spiritual healing. Both séance groups also received communications via trance from a variety of discarnate entities, referred to as "Spirit Teams". Each group sat regularly on an experimental basis, with no particular outcome expected. It is understood that the development of spirit phenomena takes both time and dedication to the cause, and that this requires a great deal of effort on behalf of both sitters and mediums to be consistent in their attendance.
The Lodge is described by Christine as a “non-denominational home circle”, and as such is not affiliated with any organized spiritualist association. No one is paid for any area of Lodge activity; to accept money for spiritual practices is looked down upon.
The People
Age and Occupation
The average age of individuals attending the séances at the time of my fieldowork was 57, with a range of 36 to 80 years old. Of the 9 regular attendees, 4 are retired and 5 are currently employed in various different jobs (sales, fitness instructor, carer, nurse).
Sex
7 of the 9 total attendees are female, 2 are male; one of whom is a regular medium. Skultans (1974, 45), in her study of a spiritualist circle in “Welshtown”, highlighted a similar ratio of male to female members:
“Nearly 80 per cent of members are women. However the small percentage of men are regarded as a welcome and very important element at all meetings” (ibid.)
It is very interesting to note that the percentage of female members of the Spirit Lodge is 77%, providing a surprisingly close analogue to the “sex composition” (ibid.) of Skultans’ home-circle of study in the late 1960’s.
Distance Travelled
The distance travelled by attendees range from a maximum of 60 miles to a minimum of 4.5 miles (the séance leader lives in the house adjacent to the Lodge and so need not travel to attend). The distance travelled is indicative of the amount of effort spent on attending the Spirit Lodge. It is interesting to note that the attendee who travels the greatest distance (60 miles) is the regular medium for Tuesday nights, Jon.
Why do people gather at the Lodge?
Naturally, the Bristol Spirit Lodge is a place where people congregate for a specific purpose; that being to communicate with the spirits. This constitutes their primary incentive for being there. The twice weekly gatherings can, therefore, be said to be structured around the belief in the possibility of communication with discarnate entities, on the behalf of the sitters, while for the medium the purpose is to incarnate a spirit intelligence to allow this communication to occur.
Anthropologists, in their discussions of similarly oriented groups, have tended to focus their investigations beyond this point. They have seen reason to suggest alternate functions to the meetings of spiritualists and other “possession cults”, highlighting other purposes, usually as a form of social support or a means for the individual (usually female) to rebel against the constraints of marital life and society at large in a socially acceptable context (Lewis, 1971, 32; Skultans, 1974).
In her study of spiritualism in a Welsh town in the late 1960s to early 1970s, Vieda Skultans (1974) focussed on the therapeutic and supportive elements of spiritualism as its main attraction. She understood spiritualism as a coping strategy for the women of ‘Welshtown’ in light of their traditional feminine roles as “housewife, mother and sexual partner” (1974, 4). To Skultans, then, spiritualism provided these women with a means to escape their everyday circumstances, at least for the duration of the circle meetings:
“Indeed, this is where the contribution of spiritualism lies. For the weekly repetition of healing activities and the exchange of messages ‘from spirit’ constitute a ritual of reconciliation to a situation which does not permit any radical alternatives to itself” (ibid.)
While my investigations certainly revealed aspects of this “informal support system”, in that meetings were generally accompanied by discussions about everyday issues, such as dealings with benefit agencies, issues with disabled children and ailing partners, before the séances, I also came to the conclusion that there was a much more significant element at work. It must be understood that there are two separate spheres of concern at work at the Bristol Spirit Lodge; yes, there is an element of mutual social support in action whereby people seek communion with others of a like mind, but still there is the significant fact that these people are gathered for the purpose of communication with spirits. Discussions about everyday issues, although they may be brought up during the séance, are generally left outside of the Lodge. When in the house, personal issues are spoken of, but in the séance itself the intention is the observation of evidential phenomena for the continuing existence of intelligence and personality after death. To reduce the whole phenomenon to a social-functional process of “reconciliation” to a negative household, or life, situation (Skultans, 1974) seems, to my mind, to miss the point.
Any communal gathering has the ability to function on at least two different spheres. A football match, for instance, may serve the purpose of alleviating built up tensions and frustrations in a socially acceptable situation, but the purpose of attending is to watch the football game itself. The football game, or the séance, provides the core reason for gathering, social support and therapy comes as a consequence of that gathering. Where people gather they will talk, particularly if they are like minded, regardless of the reason for gathering.
In this situation the reason for gathering is to enable “evidence of continuing Spirit consciousness beyond physical death”. And they achieve this intention. To ignore this aspect is to detrimentally reduce the complexity of the issue.
Geoffrey Nelson’s (1972) sociological investigations of British spiritualism in the late 1960s provided sufficient information to suggest that the predominant factors leading to an individual becoming involved in spiritualism are as follows:
- Prior experiences; “composed of individuals who have or seek mystical, psychic or ecstatic experiences” (1972, 172)
- Religious disillusionment; “make a break with the religious tradition of the culture (ibid.)
- Curiosity; a “positive search for meaning” (ibid.)
- As part of a grieving process
Prior Experiences
When asked the question “Did you have “supernatural”/“psychic” experiences before attending?”, the majority of individuals reported having had such experiences before attending the Spirit Lodge. Only 7 of the 9 regular attendees at the Spirit Lodge completed this aspect of the questionnaire, and of these; 5 individuals reported having had previous supernatural or psychic experiences before attending. Very little detail was provided as to what these experiences consisted of, although several individuals reported having had “numerous” experiences throughout life.
Of the 9 individuals who completed the questionnaire 6 reported that they considered themselves to have some degree of psychic ability, one of whom does not consider herself to have psychic abilities but does have a spirit guide. 3 individuals do not consider themselves to have any psychic abilities.
This evidence supports Nelson’s suggestion that prior psychic experiences are conducive to attendance of a spiritualist group. In order to better understand, more specifically, the sort of experiences individuals had encountered, another questionnaire was composed that dealt with experiences of the séance and other “supernatural”/“psychic” experiences in order to better qualify the type of experiences members had had.
Religious Disillusionment
Individuals at the Spirit Lodge reported a fairly wide variety of religious backgrounds. The most common denomination reported was Church of England, with 4 individuals suggesting the influence of this religious denomination on their spiritual development.
The two oldest individuals reported the greatest variety of denominational background, having attended Church of England, Methodist, Quaker and Spiritualist congregations. These two individuals also continue to attend these denominations in addition to the Spirit Lodge. This does not suggest disillusionment as such, but rather implies a “positive search for meaning” (Nelson, 1972, 172) through religion. These two individuals have not abandoned their previous religious influences, but have instead supplemented them with more tangible proofs of transcendent existence.
It is interesting to note that none of the individuals at the Spirit Lodge consider the group’s practices to be religious in nature. Attendance of the Spirit Lodge, consequently, need not clash with already held religious beliefs. Indeed, the Lodge is described as a “non-denominational home circle”, and it is understood that the phenomena observed at the Lodge are not dependent upon religious convictions but are, rather, facts of nature potentially observable by anyone willing to look; a naturalisation of the supernatural.
As part of a grieving process
None of the individuals attend as part of a grieving process. Indeed it is made explicitly clear that communication with specific relatives is particularly difficult. The mediums are engaged in the development of their own spirit teams; the Lodge’s intention is set towards this form of communication, and not communication with specific personal acquaintances.
Conflict
Skultans (1974) highlighted the conflict between established spiritualist centres and the smaller home circles of its members (66), attributing it to the inability of centres to maintain control of the psychic development of its members. Although conflict with spiritualist centres has been alluded to during discussions about physical mediumship at the Spirit Lodge, I have not yet witnessed any actual expression of this. Naturally there has been talk at the Lodge of the benefits of physical mediumship over mental mediumship, and it has often been wondered why the SNU has abandoned physical mediumship. Throughout this, however, the members of the Spirit Lodge maintain a respect for the practices of those at the spiritualist centres, indeed some members of the Lodge once attended spiritualist services themselves, and others still do.
The primary issue Chris has made apparent with regard to the established spiritualist centres is that their religious interpretations fail to grasp the real life significance of spirit phenomena. Christine dislikes being referred to as a spiritualist.
There might also be an element of conflict in the opinion of the Lodge with regard to paying for mediumship demonstrations. The Spirit Lodge does not charge for anything, indeed it is understood that it is not meant to be done in that way. FC has informed Chris that the circle is not for the purpose of attaining wealth, but is instead strictly intended for the development of physical mediumship in a supportive environment. Criticism has been laid, to some extent, upon other local groups who charge for their services, but this has not resulted in any serious conflict. It is understood that such issues merely highlight the aims of those who are engaged in the promotion of mediumship. Not charging is seen as a positive act, while charging brings the whole subject into question. Should spiritual powers be utilised for material gain? The Spirit Lodge believes not.
With regard to conflict between the Lodge members themselves: there is very little. The number of people who attend is sufficiently small and friendly to prevent any major conflict situations from arising. It has been hinted that in the past there were divergences of opinion regarding the sort of things they would be doing at the séances, i.e. whether to meditate or not, which have led to some members leaving the circle. In my experience, however, I have seen none of this. The only conflict that might exist is between the two mediums, Sandy and Jon. It has often been mentioned that Sandy is jealous of the control and character of the spirits Jon channels, as hers are fairly extravagant and unruly by comparison. She has mentioned how she would like to have intelligent spirits coming through (although it cannot be said that her spirit team is unintelligent). Such conflicts are trivial and meaningless. Indeed it is not uncommon for Jon to attend Sandy’s séances as a sitter. The two are supportive of one another; any conflict between them is purely in good humour. As the overall number of sitters at the Lodge is so small a few attend both Tuesday night and Thursday morning séances, which consequently reduces any tensions that might develop between the two groups.
Hierarchy
The highest position in the Bristol Spirit Lodge is held by Chris; it is her Lodge, built using her own savings money and under her instruction. Chris usually performs the role of séance leader, whose duties include the reading of the opening and closing prayers, control of the light and music equipment, and the greeting of spirits as they make themselves known to the circle. During the séance, then, Chris has the final say (although she is occasionally told to do certain things by the spirits, e.g. when to put on the closing music). Chris is also responsible for organizing the séances, ensuring that people are available to attend, and, if the medium cannot make it, decides what other activities to undertake. Chris’ leadership of the group is further legitimized by her spirit guide; FC, or Fuzzy Critter. FC has been actively engaged in the development of the circle since the very beginning. His advice is always taken into account by Chris. Some of the information FC passes on to Chris includes:
- Information regarding the lighting conditions for the séances
- Information regarding where individuals should sit during the séances (e.g. whether or not they should sit in the north corner)
- Information regarding energies present in the room
- Information regarding the mediumistic abilities of other sitters (including myself)
The next rung of the group’s hierarchy would then, perhaps, be the mediums. Naturally the mediums are of special significance to the group; without them there could be no séances. In the past mediums leaving the circle, for whatever reason, had posed a problem. Currently, however, the Lodge has two mediums in development who are progressing exceedingly well, each with a variety of associated phenomena. If a medium cannot make it to the séance, group development sittings often take place. Development circles serve to promote mediumistic abilities in any of the available sitters; it is understood that all human beings have this potential.
It should be noted that the mediums of the Bristol Spirit Lodge have developed from normal sitters attending the séances. This is testament to the fact that anyone can develop into a medium provided that they had the necessary intent. Skultans (1974) has noted that the potential for any individual to develop mediumistic abilities serves as a sort of democratizing factor: progress is open to all should they wish to develop:
“… spiritualism… deceptively promises high ritual status to all adherents: spiritualist doctrine recognizes the universality of mediumistic or spiritual power in a latent, if not manifest form… mediumistic power is the currency in terms of which status within the movement is acquired” (1974, 61)
Skultans suggests, however, that although spiritualist doctrine accepts that mediumistic powers are universal, the attainment of a perceived high status is fairly rare: “if it is too easily acquired it loses value and thus destroys itself” (ibid.). All members of the Lodge exhibit some degree of psychic/spiritual ability, it is simply understood that the mediums are much more developed. Respect is therefore concomitant with increased experience. There is a distinct amount of respect for the mediums; members of the Lodge are keen and supportive of their development and feel privileged to be able to witness their manifestations of spirit. It is also clear that there is a potent element of respect associated with more advanced mediums. The mediums and sitters at the Spirit Lodge have a deep respect for the likes of Warren Caylor, whose abilities, or so it is believed, are very highly developed. Warren is seen to be a medium of great ability and power and is frequently described as “one in a million”.
Because the group that attends the Lodge is so close-knit and friendly, significant issues of hierarchy do not come into play. The whole group is very open, communicative and accepting of varying interpretations of phenomena, and I have not yet seen, or foreseen, any evidence of problems arising from its organization.
The experience of the medium
The experience of the medium is key to spiritualist practice in all its forms, indeed spiritualism is fully dependent upon the existence of individuals with mediumistic abilities. It is the phenomenological accounts of mediumistic experiences which provide much of the underlying metaphysical and cosmological basis for spiritualist belief as exhibited at the Spirit Lodge.
When asked about the experience of entering into trance Sandy, Jon and Warren provided surprisingly similar accounts of their sensations during the channelling process. It would appear as though depth of trance state is correlated with the amount of recollection the medium has of the séance after the event. When a trance is particularly deep it is common for the medium to report a complete inability to recall any of the occurrences or communications achieved. In the event of a trance state of lesser intensity, it is often reported that the medium is able to recall a distanced awareness of the proceedings, as though listening from a place set aside from the physical body. The anthropologist Morton Klass (2003) made similar observations while examining the Kali possession cults of Trinidad:
“As with many elements of the ceremony itself, there were differences to be observed between the clerics in their responses to what had happened to them personally during possession: one had no memory of anything that had transpired during the visitation of Kali; the other told me he had been aware of her arrival and could hear her voice and the questions of the congregants, though he himself was completely powerless to participate” (2003, 43)
This account was of an experience in Trinidad in the 1950s; the similarities with reports of the mediums of the Bristol Spirit Lodge in 2009 are, to my mind, fascinating: the trance experience appears to be relatively consistent across time and space, as well as culture. Jon describes how the process and experience of going into trance is “never exactly the same twice, each time is slightly different”. When he is in the trance state he is “still very aware of the room” but feels that often he has “missed bits of time”; “I found to start with that I'd be convinced only 20 minutes had passed when in reality it had been over an hour”. Further similarities with Klass’ observations of spirit possession can be detected in the following account of the sensations Jon experiences when in trance:
“Often now, when they are talking I'll go back into myself and I get a strange sensation of vertigo & being detached from the conversation, not just intellectually but physically as well. As if I'm on the edge of a precipice or inside a vast canyon. It's a sense of scale I think, I feel very small in comparison to something very large?”
This distancing from the body appears to be a common trait amongst those who undergo spirit incorporation.
In order to gain a fuller appreciation of the mediumistic experience I endeavoured to gain some first hand insight through participating in development sittings at the Lodge. Not long after first arriving at the Lodge I was informed that I had some degree of mediumistic ability; Christine’s spirit guide, FC, and Joseph, Sandy’s main controller, had both indicated that I had potential for development. It is not uncommon for people to be told that they have some degree of mediumistic ability. In their study of Lily Dale, a spiritualist village in the USA, Richard & Adato (1980) noted this tendency. Indeed, this is to be expected as it is understood that all individuals have at least some degree of psychic/spiritual ability. Such abilities are not the reserve of special individuals, although some are undoubtedly more developed than others, but are rather natural faculties of the human being. The experiences I have had while conducting this development have been highly enlightening, particularly with regard to my understanding of the way in which experiences serve as proofs, and causes, of the existence of discarnate energy-consciousnesses.
On two separate occasions, when conducting development sittings at the Lodge, I experienced my own physical body under the control or influence of some force or energy separate from my own conscious will. In both instances the phenomenon occurred with my left hand while meditating in the Lodge. My hand, after a period of increasing dissociation from my body, began to move of its own accord, quite separate from my own conscious intention. Having had this experience I have gained a much deeper appreciation of the ability for one’s own body to be controlled by an external energy or consciousness. Having experienced this most peculiar sensation I cannot deny that others might also have such experiences, and can well imagine the external control I experienced from a distanced position inhabiting my entire body with development.
Such experiences are common amongst those engaging in mediumistic practice. Métraux (1972, as cited by Klass 2003) writes that:
“People possessed start by giving an impression of having lost control of their motor system. Shaken by spasmodic convulsions, they pitch forward, as though projected by a spring, turn frantically round and round… Sometimes such attacks are sudden, sometimes they are heralded by preliminary signs: a vacant or anguished, mild tremblings, panting breath or drops of sweat on the brow” (1972, 120-121)
On the first occasion that I witnessed the mediumship of Sandy (5/02/09) her trance communications were accompanied by erratic movements of her hands and legs as she sat in the cabinet. This strained writhing was understood to be the result of the incarnating spirit (“the soldier”) being unaccustomed to the sensation of gravity after so many years in the spirit world. It is also understood that the soldier has not yet learned that he no longer needs to march; the movements of the medium are, therefore, believed to have this as their basis.
Jon’s mediumship, by comparison, is characterised by a greater physical stability when in the trance state. The medium’s body generally remains completely motionless throughout the duration of the séance. The only observable motion is a rapid vibration in his right hand as it rests on the arm of the chair; similar, though more controlled, to the movement I experienced in my own arm.
The experience of the sitter
Aside from the experiences of mediums, which form a core underlying element of spiritualist beliefs and practices, the most significant claims come from those who attend and experience séances first-hand. There are a huge range of different phenomena reported by sitters of séances in the spiritualist literature ranging from apparently fully objective materialisations, visible to all, to subjective, personal visions, voices and messages.
“… it cannot be too often repeated-because it is too often forgotten- that psychic research of the best sort is really “psychic”, and depends upon spiritual conditions. It is not the bumptious self-opinionated man, sitting with a ludicrous want of proportion as a judge upon spiritual matters, who attains results; but it is he who appreciates that the strict use of reason and observation is not incompatible with humility of mind, and that courteous gentleness of demeanour which makes for harmony and sympathy between the inquirer and his subject” (Conan Doyle, 2006, Vol. 1, 118)
The phenomena observed by sitters appear, therefore, to exist at some-point between the fully objective and the totally subjective. It is possible, for example, for more than one individual to report having seen a spirit light during a séance, while others in the room have been unable to see anything. The questionnaire presented in appendix Eclearly demonstrates this peculiar aspect of the séances; there are some regular attendees who have never seen anything in the Lodge, while there are others who have seen all manner of “evidential phenomena” presented.
Conclusions
To conclude the investigation, therefore, the following key points have been arrived at:
- There is an experiential basis to beliefs about trance and physical mediumship. The experiences of both the medium and sitters are fundamental to understanding why people engage in such practices. Consequently:
- Practices cannot simply be reduced to social-functional causes, although it is clear that social-functional aspects are in operation. There are two spheres in action at the Spirit Lodge; the social and the spiritual. The boundaries between the two are blurred to some extent, but the two are mutually exclusive.
- Psychic/supernatural experiences are an influential factor on the decision to attend séances at the Spirit Lodge.
- The notion of fraud is not necessarily applicable to all elements of physical and trance mediumship, and the use of performance techniques need not result in accusations of deception and fraud.
- There is a need for further research, particularly as physical mediumship appears to be in decline. Accusations of fraud are not reasons to ignore this aspect of the human experience.
- There is a need for a different approach to the study of spirit phenomena and trance/possession states. Many authors have suggested a break with positivist standpoint because it does not necessarily fit with the facts of experience.
- The altered states of consciousness experienced by mediums need not be considered abnormal or the product of mental disorders.
- The Spirits that are communicating through the mediums are holistic entities, with individual personalities. As such they represent socially active agents.
- There is clearly a need for increased interdisciplinary research with regard to such beliefs and practices; there is room for ethnographic, psychological, sociological and biological investigation into the phenomena associated with both trance and physical mediumship.
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